Rationalization of Education for Peace

Dr. Mushtaque Ahmad

Principal

MARWARI COLLEGE, Darbhanga

Mob: 09431414586

Email: rm.meezan@gmail.com

            As we are all aware that education as a powerful mechanism plays a pivotal role in our life endeavor in general and in particular it has taken a rapid change in the country since independence. It is due to efforts of the social reformers, educationists and governmental agencies as well to make society healthy and wealthy. But apart from these, it is also observed that yet literacy rates among Muslims both men and women in comparison to other groups are the lowest as reported by Observer Research Foundation, India. Hence, it requires special attention and this is the reason why, such issue must be debated for designing proper rationalization of education strategies for quality education of Muslims. A variety of factors have been identified to explain the observed relative deprivation among Muslims in India. These include differentials in endowments across social groups, actual or perceived discrimination, behavior patterns or attitudes and supply of educational and employment opportunities. Additionally, an important question arises here as to what is the role of school curriculum and what would be its prima face importance in order to form a healthy environment to re-establish a peace-ridden society. In my humble opinion, if lesson on moral values, human rights, justice, social duty and religious knowledge are taught in school curriculum on the local, national and international level then alone countries like India can get a phenomenal success indeed. Today the divergence seen in our society proves to be the consequence of the absence of moral values and this absence of moral values on the other hand is the result of our present system of education. The education rendered today to the students especially Muslims is only helpful to pane their way to lead a happy life. They are not stimulated the idea of their social or national duty. In such a democratic and secular nation like India they are unaware of their own characters and thoughts. It is due to the negligence of these moral values that students are inefficient to uphold their family not to speak of national welfare. Finally, the present paper has been discussed in detail on the topic in the light of needs and demands of the Muslim minority group.

Rationalization of Education for Peace

Dr. Mushtaque Ahmad

Principal Millat College

Darbhanga

Mob: 09431414586

Email: rm.meezan@gmail.com

Rationalization is the process of systematizing the code of conduct towards certain goals of life. In psychoanalytic theory rationalization is as a mechanism whereby people attempt to hide their true motivations and emotions by providing reasonable or self-justifying explanations for irrational or unacceptable behavior, although, the idea about rationalization has been discussed from different angles by different scholars, experts, behaviorists and modern educationist. Thus, the present problem has been formulated to study the rationalization of education for peace.

As we are all aware that education as a powerful mechanism plays a pivotal role in our life endeavors in general and in particular it has taken a rapid change in the country since independence. It is due to efforts of the social reformers, educationists and governmental agencies as well to make society healthy and wealthy. But apart from these, it is also observed that yet literacy rates among Muslims both men and women in comparison to other groups are the lowest as reported by Observer Research Foundation, India. Hence, it requires special attention and this is the reason why, such issue must be debated for designing proper rationalization of education strategies for quality education of Muslims. A variety of factors have been identified to explain the observed relative deprivation among Muslims in India. These include differentials in endowments across social groups, actual or perceived discrimination, behavior patterns or attitudes and supply of educational and employment opportunities. Additionally, an important question arises here as to what is the role of school curriculum and what would be its prima face importance in order to form a healthy environment to re-establish a peace-ridden society. In my humble opinion, if lessons on moral values, human rights, justice, social duty and religious knowledge are taught in school curriculum on the local, national and international level then alone countries like India can get a phenomenal success indeed. Today the divergence seen in our society proves to be the consequence of the absence of moral values and this absence of moral values on the other hand is the result of our present system of education. The education rendered today to the students especially Muslims is only helpful to pane their way to lead a happy life.

Thus, it seems reasonable to say that peace education is now officially accepted as an important aspect of social education. Over the past three decades there has been a growing corpus of critical literature within this field, including contributions by writers such as Adelson (2000), Brock-Utne (1985, 1989), Burns and Aspelagh (1983, 1996). Cellitti (1998), Galtung (1975, 1984), Gordon and Grob (1987), Haavelsrud (1975,1981), Harris (1988,1996a, 1996b), Harris and Forcey (1999), Henderson (1973), Hicks (1988), Hutchinson (1996), Jackson (1992), Kaman and Harris (2000), Mack (1984), Marks (1983), Markusen and Harris (1984), McCarthy (2002), Okamoto (1984), O’Reilly (1993), Page (2000), Raviv, Oppenheimer and Bar-Tal (1999), Ray (1988), Reardon (1989, 1997), Rees (2000), Rivage-Seul (1987), Salomon and Nevo (2002), Thomas and Klare (1989), Toh and Floresca-Cawagas (1990), and Zars, Wilson and Phillips (1985). Interestingly, the focus in the literature in recent years has tended to include the personal as well as global aspects of peace education. There has also been an increasing emphasis on peace as a human right. However one intriguing and lingering lacuna within the critical literature has been the failure to develop and expound systematic philosophical foundations for peace education.

This lacuna is also evident in the considerable international documentation dealing with the importance of peace education. The Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations (1945), the Constitution of UNESCO (1945) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1949) all contain statements undergirding the importance of peace education. Since then the enunciation of the importance of peace education has become more explicit within international pronouncements and declarations. Peace education has been affirmed within official documents of UNESCO (1974, 1980, 1994/5, 1996), UNICEF (1996, 1999), the UN General Assembly (1978, 1995, 1996, 1999, 2002), and the Hague Appeal for Peace (1999). Moreover, there is considerable institutional commitment to peace education. At last count, UNESCO (2000) listed 580 peace research and training institutes around the world. One could argue that such an international commitment presents or represents legitimacy for peace education, as the importance of a commitment to peace education has been repeatedly endorsed by the United Nations and by the action of societies and governments in establishing peace research and training. Nevertheless it remains that case that within such a commitment there is no well developed philosophical rationale for peace education, other than perhaps a general deontological notion that peace education is something humanity ought to be committed to.

Good Quality of Moral Values and Peace Education

Firstly, let us examine good quality of moral values and peace education. A high caliber moral has been undergoing something of a new beginning in recent decades, and there has been particular interest in the relationship between virtue ethics and education. There are many ethicists who have been prominent in this revival, although two of the most influential have been Alasdair McIntyre (1985) and Rosalind Hursthouse (1999). There is much support for a virtue ethics in world religions, and throughout much of human history ethics has been virtue ethics. Two of the standard historical sources for virtue ethics remain the work of Aristotle (1984) and Thomas Aquinas (1963-1975). It is noteworthy also that there is much popular writing that implicitly (and sometimes explicitly) works upon a virtue ethics basis. There is much to be said for the suggestion that the revival of virtue ethics reflects an ethical response that empowers the individual or that seeks to empower the individual, at a time when social systems tend to dictate that the individual is of no significance.

It is probably fair to say that the revival of educational interest in virtue ethics relates to concerns over a perceived loss of a public sense of social civility, perceived increases in levels of personal aggression and violence, and a perceived diminution of an overall commitment to ethical conduct. The arguable virtue ethics basis for peace education is related to the emphasis within virtue ethics on the importance of the development of character or virtue. If we agree that education is concerned with the development of character, then an important element of character development is to develop and encourage harmonious and co-operative relations between individuals. Similarly, a fundamental aim of education should be to develop the character and personality that will value harmonious and co-operative relations between individuals. In a sense, if we say that respect for others and active non-violence are virtues, then it follows, from a virtues ethics approach to education, that education should aim to encourage and develop those virtues.

The interesting point about a virtue ethics approach to peace education is that this approach has much in common with the theory of intrapersonal peace, and especially as developed within the theory of nonviolent action. Within his life and writings, Mohandas Gandhi continually emphasized the importance of nonviolent action based upon the inner commitment of the actor to truth. Indeed within Gandhian thought nonviolence is thought of as truth-force or satyagraha. Peace was not a set of actions or even a state of affairs.

Peace is a character orientation on the part of the individual. Similarly virtue ethics emphasizes not action as such but rather the state of the actor. It is significant that virtue ethics is sometimes referred to as agent-based ethics: within both virtue ethics and within much peace theory it is who you are which is of prime importance. What we do derives its significance from who we are.

Moral principle and Peace Education

A moral principle is another emergent area of ethical theory that may serve as an area of foundation for peace education. It is indeed that moral principle is the ethical set of guidelines that the morality of any action is to be assessed by the consequences of that action. There are variations of consequentialism such as act and rule of consequentialism, although undeniably the most identifiable form of consequentialism is utilitarian philosophy, in which the consequences (and worth) of actions are determined by the degree of overall well-being or happiness resulting from those actions. The utilitarian tradition is perhaps best represented through the writing of Jeremy Bentham (1970) and John Stuart Mill (1877). Consequentialist/utilitarian ethics have been emerging for some time, although it is still arguable that such ethics are implicitly the ethics of a modern mass society, in that it is only with the rise of democratic theory that the well-being of the greatest number of people would be considered relevant to ethics and it is only a modern scientific society which can measure that well-being. It is interesting that so few contemporary philosophers argue the title of consequentialism, possibly due in part to the situation so much of the operation of modern societies and political structures are already undergirded (at least in theory) by such an ethical philosophy.

It is arguable that consequentialist ethics basis for peace education is the most obvious, and most writing on the importance of peace education or education for peace implicitly works on a consequentialist basis. The basis for a consequentialist ethics approach to peace education goes something like this: what we teach and how we teach has an effect in forming the sort of society we live in. This proposition is not always articulated, although in some ways is quite self-evident. If there were not some implied hope of betterment through education and teaching, then we would not be expending the effort in education and teaching. On the other hand, what we fail to teach and our failure in how we teach also has an impact in the type of world we will live in. From a perspective of peace education, therefore, it is important to teach, both through content and example, that there are alternatives to conflict and injustice. In particular, from a perspective of peace education, it is important to teach of the unnecessary suffering resulting from war and resulting from social injustice. If what we teach and how one teaches has consequences, it follows that one of the aims of education therefore should be to encourage students to think about the type of world we would want to have, and to empower them to create such a world.

Thus when we say that there is a danger of nuclear war and that we need to teach about this danger, the assumption within such a proposition is a consequentialist one, namely, that by teaching young people about nuclear war they might in the future make political decisions to move away from reliance on nuclear weapons and perhaps also to become committed to nuclear disarmament. The interesting point about a consequentialist ethics approach to peace education is that this does find links in other forms of approaches to curriculum and education. What is sometimes known as Social Reconstructionism works on the basis that we can and should aim to reform society through the educational process. The more recent emphasis on critical literacy is undergirded by an assumption that individuals with critical insight are more able to challenge and ultimately change the (unjust) social structures of society. Critics might suggest that all such approaches are highly political. Advocates of such approach would say that there are not so much political as moral. If there is social danger we have a responsibility to educate about this danger so that future generations might do something to avert the danger.

Imaginative Ethics and Peace Education

A third possible philosophical basis for peace education is within the area of imaginative, and in particular within aesthetic ethics. Traditionally, aesthetic ethics is most often contrasted with moral ethics, substantially due to the influential Kantian insistence that moral action must be counter-inclinational – the moral act is only that act which is performed with regard to duty alone, and not out of sympathy. However, in recent years the separation between the moral and the aesthetic has been challenged, and many writers have agued for a rehabilitation of the unity of aesthetics and ethics. The proponents of such a rehabilitation include Heesoon Bai, Marcia Eaton, Josef Früchtl, André Leverkühn, Martin Seel, and Jean-Pierre Wils, although arguably there are precursor elements to an aesthetic ethics in the writing of those such as John Dewey (1960), Friedrich Schiller (2000), Albert Schweitzer (1923a, 1923b, 1931) and Ludwig Wittgenstein (2001). Aesthetic ethics/imaginative ethics in a modern sense refers to actions based upon judgments about what is beautiful or desirable, or in a more general sense, about what is considered to be of value. The line between discourse on aesthetic judgments and value judgments is a fuzzy one: in some ways when we talk about aesthetics/imaginative we also talk about values and what we consider valuable and worthwhile.

One can maintain that all of education is undergirded by aesthetic/imaginative judgments or judgments as to what is beautiful and desirable. If we believe that peace, that is, harmonious and cooperative relations between individuals and societies, is a beautiful thing, a valuable thing in itself, then we should not be ashamed in having this as a stated objective within the curriculum. We should not be silent or ashamed at articulating the importance of peace education. Interestingly, the application of aesthetic ethics to education finds resonance in the influential writing of Richard Stanley Peters. Peters would be not normally considered as a proponent of aesthetic ethics. Nevertheless, the importance of the aesthetic dimension of education is a recurrent theme in the writing of Peters (1964, 1966). Moreover, the idea of education as an initiation into worthwhile activities, prominent within the work of Peters, assumes that there are specific activities that are intrinsically valuable or worthwhile, and that the act of valuing something intrinsically is important. My contention is that peace, or the practice of peaceful relationships, ought to be regarded as a worthwhile activity into which students ought validly to be initiated.

It is important to be mentioned here that opponents of an aesthetic ethics approach to education might well suggest that notions of beauty or value should have no place within education, and certainly not within any rational or scientific approach to education. However I would argue such an objection represents a misunderstanding of the proper functioning of rationality and science. Rationality functions in concord with our aesthetic judgments. Similarly within science we continually make implicit judgments about what is beautiful or desirable. The most obvious aesthetic judgment which undergirds the physical sciences is that the universe is beautiful. There are no doubt instrumental advantages from the physical sciences. However if it were not for the assumption that the universe is beautiful, then there would be little reason for studying physical sciences, and especially such sciences as astronomy. Our argument is that peace also should be seen as something beautiful and valuable. Eventually there can be no such entity as value-free education. The question is whether the values that are expressed within education are defensible. In this case peace does seem a value and an entity that is defensible, and defensible specifically on the grounds of an imaginative/aesthetic ethics.

Traditional Political Ethics and Peace Education

The fourth potential basis for peace education is within emergent traditional political ethics, and in particular aspects of conservative political thought, such as an aversion to violent social change, dislike to priory reasoning, and an emphasis on the significance of a strong and stable nation-state. The concept of traditional/conservative political theory is at surface a contradictory one, as writers within what might be called a conservative intellectual tradition tend to be antagonistic to political ideology as such. The most influential thinker within the conservative political tradition has been Edmund Burke (1969), although, the writing of Michael Oakeshott (1962) and Anthony Quinton (1978) has also been highly influential. It is significant that within the work of all three of the above there is not an absolute opposition to social change as such, but rather a commitment to gradual and orderly (we might say peaceful) change. Such a vision is entirely consistent with the vision of peaceful social transformation through peace education.

If we examine the three emphases within conservative thought, that is, aversion to violent social change, aversion to a priori reasoning and emphasis on a strong and stable nation-state, we believe there are strong linkages to the notion of peace and the project of peace education within each of these. The conservative aversion to violent social change finds an obvious quality in peace theory and education. Indeed one can say that both peace advocates and conservatives share a common interest in peaceful social change. Peaceful social change generally (although not always) means orderly social change. This is why conservative political theory generally emphasizes continuity with the past and with past experience, as without such continuity social change cannot be orderly. Similarly, without order and structures, such as the nation-state, there is all the more potential for violence. Individuals and societies need not be violent. Nevertheless, humankind will remain ultimately always imperfect, and structures need to be in place to cover that contingency.

Each of the above three aspects of conservative political ethics can be argued to be highly problematic because one can argue that a commitment to the nation-state within conservative political theory is not consistent with the aims of peace education, given that war is a phenomenon linked with the nation-state, and one of the emphases within peace education is to pose alternatives to nationalism and the nation-state. However the above is not necessarily a contrast. The emphasis within conservative political ethics is on a stable rather than an authoritarian nation-state. Such an emphasis does not prevent change (through such measures as education) towards acceptance of larger collectivities, be this in terms of international co-operation or even international government. Properly understood, political conservatism is not necessarily opposed to change. The emphasis is merely that the change should be a peaceful one.

The Ethics of Care and Peace Education

The final philosophical basis for peace education examined within this essay is within the emergent ethics of care. The ethics of care is usually associated with the writing of Carol

Gilligan (1982, 1995), Nel Noddings (1984, 1992, 1995) [9/10] and Sara Ruddick (1989), who have emphasized the importance of the discovery or re-discovery of a feminine or caring perspective in ethics. Our own contention is that it is important not to limit the ethics of care as a specifically feminine ethics, but rather to articulate a universal ethics of care. It is not merely women who are naturally caring, but, properly understood, both women and men. The work of Sara Ruddick is especially relevant for peace education, in that Ruddick attempts to develop a philosophical basis for a politics of peace through the notion and practice of maternal thinking. I would prefer to refer to the importance of parenting, emphasizing the importance of both fathering and mothering in the nurturing process. Nonetheless, however we frame it, the important point of the ethics of care is that nurturing (caring) ought to be the dominant guiding principle in how we act towards others.

One of the specific emphases within an ethics of care is that actions should be relationship based rather than based upon principles and perceptions of what is just. Thus in what we do we should concentrate on value such as nurturing and kindness rather than on rights and duties. The discourse of rights and duties invites the question of how those rights and duties ought to be enforced. The notions of rights and duties are subtly linked to power and domination, and to enforcement and coercion. In some ways the ethics of care is very suggestive of situationalist ethics. Within situationalist ethics the emphasis is that in deciding how to act in any situation one should act out of humane concern for the other. In Gandhian thought this concern for the other is expressed through the notion of ahinsa, or love-force. This concern for the other therefore should be the guiding principle and should override all over principles of what is moral or right as Sir Syed Ahmad Khan , Founder of Aligarh Movement also emphasized the moral values and social values in relation to modern scientific education. Later on, the notion became more popular among the world community in general and among the Muslim minority group in particular.

It is not too difficult to see the potential connection between the ethics of care and education for peace. Peace is ultimately about relationships. This includes relationships between individuals and relationships between collectivities such as nation-states. On a deeper level, peace also concerns the relationship of a person with one’s own self and the relationship of humanity with the environment. However, the connection does not end there.

An important dimension of the causation of war and conflict is an insistence and concentration upon national rights and national justice. An ethics of care does not suggest that national rights and national justice are not important, but rather caring for individuals is more important. Peace education itself is also about relationship. Put quite simply, we learn within the context of and from relationships, and peace education is concerned with establishing a nurturing and supportive relationships. Hence, curriculum content is important. However what is far more important is the relationship between the teacher and the student, and the institution and the student, within all levels of education. Ultimately it is through nurturing and supportive relationships that we can say that individuals can learn peace.

Conclusion

On the basis of past researches and observations experienced by the present research writer, the following conclusions are summed-up

The finding of the present paper is that the moral teaching is at arm’s length from our education and only to be literate has remained the chief goal of education. The reason for this plight is obvious. Sixty six years have been over and done since our India got its independence and we are still passing through an experimental phase of education. We have not come to any concrete conclusion. Being a democratic nation the change of government is naturally, to happen. But it is regretful that with the change of government we begin to change our instincts too. This change is inevitable. But I would like to draw the attention of my countrymen to the point that if there are some health giving countries in regard to human welfare they should not be over-shadowed with our political advantage. We know very well that great European educationist Robert Moran who continued to research for 22 years (1904-1926) the system of education in local Schools once said that the education given in India was enough to turn a man into a complete man. But today’s education is making them learn only the ABC of proper education. The foremost need today is to add moral education in our school curriculum in its entirety. The school organizers should teach the lessons based on Indian culture and civilization, men of letters, the lives and characters of great saints and religious leaders to the teachers and students and with this they should learn the moral values in their practical lives too. Students should not be only taught to have discipline within the four walls of schools but they should also be motivated to nourish social, communal and universal aspects to the core of their hearts. If the school boundaries are kept immune from violence, animosity, treachery, difference of caste and creed and prejudice, the day is not very far off when we observe a gradual decline of bloodshed, communalism, intolerance and terrorism. The real factors that are obliterating the grains of humanity in our country, then our country being out of the cog mire of untold negative thoughts would enjoy a calm and congenial atmosphere and would reach certainly to the peak of success. To conclude I would like once again to recall the words of C. Rajgopalachari “If all the people of India begin to abide by their own religious and social duties and human values precisely, violence and bloodshed, communalism and social disorder will fly away like splinters in itself from our country”.

Future Prospect

The philosophical foundations outlined here encourage further discussion, but it has not been within the scope of this essay to develop any one of them in any detail. These philosophical details, however, should be regard as complementary, and any motivation for peace education should be based upon an integrative approach to the above foundations. Such an integrative approach reflects very much the integrative approach to the culture of peace, as articulated within the UN General Assembly Resolution 53/243 of September 1999, under the title ‘Declaration and Program of Action on a Culture of Peace’, and as developed in recent years by UNESCO. The culture of peace is a multifaceted phenomenon, involving attitudes, values and behaviors, and engaging a range of precepts. It follows that if peace and certainly a culture of peace is a multifaceted entity, then the philosophical approach to providing a rationale for peace education can also be expected to be multifaceted and diverse.

For those committed to peace and to peace education, the question of exactly why we should be committed to this endeavor seems a self-evident truth. The pervasive threat of global competition and the continuing injustice of the maldistribution and exploitation of global resources all seem quite obvious. On a local scale, the problems of violence and a culture of violence within personal relationships also seem quite obvious.

However it is precisely the overpowering nature of the above phenomena that underscores the importance of developing a thorough rationale for what we hope to achieve through peace education. We need to be able to articulate not only what should be done within education for peace, but why this should be done. Hopefully I can say that this is an area where there will be further debate and discussion in the future.

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Respected chairperson, distinguished guests and my dear colleagues, First of all, I would like to express my gratitude towards the organizing committee of this seminar for giving me this opportunity to express my views before such a galaxy of social scientists and educationists.

     My paper on the topic “Rationalization of education for peace” is a collection of my views and vision about the importance of education in human life especially education that among promotes peace.